Facing the biggest financial crisis of our generation, the Obama administration has certainly been busy. In the first hundred days, the administration has pushed through the largest stimulus package in U.S. history, steered Chrysler and GM toward a managed reorganization, and stress tested our banking system. Treasury Secretary Geithner has floated multiple plans to rebuild Wall Street with a mixture of public and private capital. And if, as many critics have claimed, the administration's proposed packages have not always been harsh enough to put the fear of God into wayward bankers, the administration certainly managed to scare the bejeesus out of them Monday morning with the fighter plane that buzzed Manhattan's financial district.
It's probably no exaggeration to say that Obama's presidency will ultimately stand or fall on its handling of the financial crisis. And at this point, with respect to all the frantic activity, the polls seem to be saying, so far, so good. Even though a recent New York Times/CBS survey suggests that Americans don't expect the country to be out of recession by the end of his first term, Obama's approval ratings are in the mid-sixties.
Of course, Jimmy Carter's early approval ratings hit 70% before
beginning their long downward slide. And Bush's ranged as high as 95%
after 9/11. As the Wall Street prospectuses all say, past performance
is no guarantee of future results.
Still, Obama's performance thus far ought to offer some clue: has he
set the stage for economic victory, or defeat? In some sense, for all
its exertions, the Obama administration hasn't actually done all that
much.
There is, to be sure, the stimulus. It is indeed large, filled with
scores of spending plans, alleged to be "temporary." Like the recently
discontinued tax on telephone service -- originally enacted to fund the
Spanish-American War -- many of these programs will undoubtedly be with
us for decades to come. As of now, however, most of the stimulus money
remains to be spent.
Yet while the stimulus package will provide some modest boost to
aggregate demand, it in no way addresses the central problems the Obama
administration faces. The Medicare and Social Security systems are
about to start draining the budget, rather than contributing to it. The
"stress tests" are starting to tell us what we already knew: Large
parts of the banking sector need more capital, which won't be easy to
raise in the current economic environment. The recession, and
especially the decline of Wall Street, is badly undercutting Federal
tax revenues. All of these problems are just revealing themselves. And
they will get worse before they get better.
So far, Obama's only proposal for dealing with the funding shortage is
a tax increase on high earners, leaving "95% of working families"
untouched. But the math doesn't work. In 2006, the latest year for
which data are available, the top 5% of families took home a whopping
36% of national taxable income, and paid 20% of that, or around $600
billion, in Federal income tax. But even before the president's
ambitious health care plan emerges from the Congressional policy
grinder, the CBO estimates that his budget plans to spend an additional
$400 billion each year. He's not going to get there with a small, or
even a large, tax increase on high earners. For one thing, the share of
national income collected by the top 5% has undoubtedly dropped sharply
since 2006, because their incomes tend to depend more on capital and
business income, and on bonuses, all of which have fallen off. (That's
why tax revenues fell off so steeply in 2001.) And work by economists
Thomas Piketty and Emmanuel Saez suggests that the deeper the crisis,
the longer and deeper the hit to top incomes: the lessening of the gap
between rich and poor during the fifties and sixties may in fact have
been largely attributable to the deleterious effects of the Great
Depression and World War II.
Even if this weren't the case, it's not really feasible to pay for
everything simply by doubling taxes on the wealthy -- because federal
income taxes aren't the only taxes they pay. Higher incomes are
disproportionately concentrated in places with high state and local
taxes, like New York City. There's a practical limit to how high a
percentage of income you can take from even the wealthiest financier,
not least because they have more discretion about how, and whether,
they make money, which means that raising taxes above a certain level
rapidly starts depressing the amount of income available to tax. Even
most European countries don't try to pay for their welfare states just
by soaking the rich.
Up until now, Obama has largely done the fun part of governing:
promising people free stuff. To be sure, even some of that is fairly
unpopular, but the auto bailouts have undoubtedly pleased the UAW more
than they have angered the rest of the population, and most of the bank
spending has occurred under programs originated in the Bush
administration. Now, however, the bill for Obama's central proposals is
about to come due. Unless Obama thinks he can borrow something like a
trillion dollars a year indefinitely, he is going to have to ask
Americans to make sacrifices to pay for the goodies.
And the taxes needed to pay for the new programs are not the only costs
he will ask us to bear. Like most as yet unimplemented programs
theoretically designed to make the world a better place, a
cap-and-trade regime for reducing carbon emissions polls well. But when
Americans actually have to start paying more for gas, electricity, and
heating oil, they will not be so enthusiastic -- especially if their
budgets are still shrinking. And if health care is not to carry a
shocking price tag, it will have to achieve some sort of savings
through rationing: drug makers simply don't make enough in profits to
foot the entire bill through lower pharmaceutical prices. Richard
Epstein has argued convincingly that ClintonCare foundered because most
American voters have health insurance they are satisfied with. In
theory, they support a government health care program--but when they
are confronted by the details of how their health care will change,
that support evaporates.
Neither Obama's legacy, nor the economy's performance, will be much
affected by what has happened in these early days. The real test for
both will be how he handles the tough choices ahead.
