The first reaction of every journalist to the story of the Washington Post's advertiser-cum-salon dinner proposal was probably one of disgust and moral superiority. The second reaction: we've all kinda been involved in situations where that line between what we do and how we are compensated for it blurs a bit -- or is at least visible. We bring attention to our brand by reporting and writing, but we do other things, occasionally, to further the interests of the commercial enterprises that pay us. There but for the grace of our marketing department go we....Reporters often give speeches to private corporations and get paid for doing so; reporters often lend themselves to their publication's advertising team for an hour and brief a perspective client on our subjects; we invite sources to come visit the classes we teach as adjunct, for-profit professors, etc. We participate in sponsored dinners, off-the-record dinners; roundtables; we exchange information with our sources, etc.; Each situation is different, and as a general rule, good journalists have a good gut sense about what's right and wrong. There are no written rules for our profession, only habits and customs, enforceable mostly by peer pressure and shaming. Big deal or not, it's a topic worth exploring in an age of convergence. Atlantic Media and its chairman -- my ultimate boss -- David Bradley -- have developed a bit of a (welcome, I think) reputation for hosting salons and forums where advertisers, officials and journalists intermix. We ought not be afraid to talk about why we do them, and so I'm happy to say that Mr. Bradley feels the same way. After the jump, read extended excerpts from an e-mail he sent to employees today. It describes precisely what the Atlantic does, and why. It's worth reading, if only to get some more perspective on these issues. And if you agree, or disagree with David, please feel free to leave a comment. I'll make sure he gets to see them.
Atlantic Media's particular niche is hosting dinner conversations, focused on current events issues, where we succeed in bringing all sides of the issue to the table. In general, the dinners include two- to three-dozen guests drawn from a score of institutions - corporations, associations, NGOs, universities, think tanks, government, and other media companies - as well as individual authors and activists. The ambition, almost always realized, is to have all sides of an issue present - conservatives and liberals, conservative think tanks and liberal think tanks, corporations and consumer groups, all manner of associations and all manner of environmental, health advocacy and public interest groups. The art here is bringing disparate parties to table for a constructive conversation.
The larger number of our Atlantic Media dinners are sponsored, though I host some for my own interest and on my own account. (Please note that the whole of this discussion concerns dinners that we do with clients. As you may have read, I personally convene a group of journalists to conduct off-the-record conversations with individuals in the news. Those dinners are covered by me personally and have no sponsorship involvement or support.)
Of our events that are sponsored, most are sponsored by corporations, though nonprofits and foundations have sponsored dinners as well. Sponsors may have input on the evening but, by contract, Atlantic Media keeps control of both the topic for conversation and the guests to be invited.
The dinners usually run about two and a half hours. If I am there, I give welcoming remarks and thank the sponsor. Most of the time, the sponsor responds with his or her own welcoming remarks. Then, and for the remainder, our moderator - typically an Atlantic Media editor or writer, though sometimes a journalist from another enterprise - directs the whole table in conversation. There is no constraint placed on either the moderator or our guests as to the questions raised or the opinions expressed. My presence - as to all things - tends to dampen high spirits. But even when I am there, the conversations are pretty highly engaged, with one or more issues that divide the group.
When Atlantic Media hosts public-policy dinners in Washington, we usually - though not always - invite members of Congress or the Executive Branch to attend as well. Never the object of the conversation, they generally constitute one to four of the total of, say, 30 guests present. There is a set of public rules governing the participation of officials in private events. Atlantic Media follows these rules - in letter and in spirit.
To my mind, and central to our thinking, the size of our dinners, the presence of outside reporters and the representation of all manner of opposing views have worked well to keep conversation at the level of debate - not advancing any one party's interests.
Let me turn to some of the concerns I've seen raised since The Washington Post controversy began.
Secrecy: Atlantic Media has been hosting public-policy dinners for a half-dozen years. Our work is not hidden within the enterprise or from the outside. Over the years, we have sent out thousands of invitations to these events. Two thousand guests have been in attendance. Further, from the beginning, we have included, as guests, journalists from virtually all major networks, national magazines and newspapers; scores of journalists have been our guests across the last six years, many more than once.
Atlantic Media Motives: Isn't this just commercial? In part. As the whole of our enterprise surely knows, the economic foundation beneath journalism is falling away. Ten years ago, 55% of The Atlantic's revenues derived from print advertising. Today, that figure is 29%. I think I will be more comfortable, still, when that dependence falls below 20%. The imperative, as I see it, is to rebuild journalism on different financial pillars. One of them, and not inconsequential to us, is events - of all types.
I say "in part," above, because I believe the dinners, themselves, perform a good purpose. Perhaps the guests merely are being polite, but the uniform comment - on leaving or in thank you notes - is that they find no other place for such purposeful, engaged, constructive conversation across walls. Are dinners my highest faith system, my most important belief? No. But, I see the Atlantic Media dinners as a certain good in Washington.
Off-the-Record: The decision to convene our dinners off-the-record was made at the outset. In the vocabulary we used at that time, we were hoping to avoid the "canned remarks and rehearsed sound bites" that come with much public-policy discussion. My own view is that there is a great deal of constructive conversation that can take place only with the promise that no headline is being written. Everyone - maybe even especially journalists - relies on this confidence in his day-to-day work.
This said, I do want to be teachable. I could understand editors or writers deciding they prefer to participate only in on-the-record conversations. I care more about editorial integrity than I do about any particular undertaking; you can trust that, as to this issue, I am fully engaged.
Editorial Staff Involvement: From the first, the dinners were the conception of our publishing staff. They were, and are, one of our revenue streams. But, as noted above, I believe the dinners advance a legitimate purpose for a media organization - promoting debate and discussion.
Our senior editors and reporters have been engaged in this work from the first - thinking through appropriate involvement, structuring the role of the moderator, thinking through, and then leading, individual dinner conversations. I am responsible for our strategy but editorial minds have been "on" from the first. I believe our editors would say the public-policy discussions help as background in their thinking and writing.
Marketing Materials: The Washington Post's Katharine Weymouth had not begun, in fact, the hosting of policy dinners; I am six years into this work. What we do share in common is that I, too, had not read our marketing materials. I don't believe ours are egregious but I now know they do not all reflect the central fact of our conversations - dialogue and debate, without the advance of a particular interest. Due diligence now begun, we will make sure that future materials reflect exactly the spirit and facts of the dinners.
Reading my notes to myself, I think I'm reaching the close of this writing. Save that I said I would end with a caveat.
I love the work of our public-policy dinners. The issues at table interest me greatly. Further, and this is a modest brag, I think I'm well suited to convening intelligent, committed people across wide divides. There are leadership gifts that I would prefer, but my lot includes a big measure of listening and deference to others' views.
As to the dinners themselves, I think they are full of good purpose. In their intelligent discussion of great public issues, they mirror the work of our magazines and websites. And, not inconsequential, the dinners in particular, but events more generally, are part of my best thinking on how we carry forward (read fund) modern journalism.







Which is it:
1. The Atlantic's publishers and editors are naive?
2. They are not, but they sure think their readers are.
And two other questions: Why do the sponsors pay K's of $$$ for these salons? And will those commercial and financial entities continue to pay if they don't believe they get their money worth one form or another?
"Due diligence now begun, we will make sure that future materials reflect exactly the spirit and facts of the dinners."
Due diligence NOW begun?
Right. And we should just trust you on that?
Quid pro quo. Goodbye Atlantic.
Oh ho, "open" "off the record" dinners featuring Washington insiders, lobbyists, journalists and other self-interested and the self-serving elites and no one complained?
Imagine my lack of surprise...
"I don't believe ours are egregious but I now know they do not all reflect the central fact of our conversations - dialogue and debate, without the advance of a particular interest."
I mean, come on. Please. Geeesh. Pretend I'm Joan Q. Citizen. Do I really still need some guy deciding for me that something isn't egregious? Just show me a couple samples of the Atlantic's marketing pieces. Then I'll compare them to the Washington Post piece and then I'll decide what I decide. THAT'S HOW IT WORKS TODAY, RIGHT?
I thought you guys were journalists, for goodness sakes. How about some real journaling instead of this fake cover our asses stuff?
Good grief. And this whole post was supposed to reassure readers? Yikeys.
while Bradley can talk about how "clean" your girls are, and how he insists that they be tested for STDs on a regular basis, and how he does background checks on them, the fact remains that he's a pimp -- selling access (off-the-record) for cash. (here's a clue, mr. Bradley... the Post/'salon' story is the kind of thing that would have attracted the attention of most of your "bloggers", but because you and The Atlantic are guilty of the same kind of 'pay for play' that Weymouth and Brauchli got involved in, they haven't exactly jumped on the topic. They know where they get their paychecks...)
When people talk about how they don't trust the printed media, because:
1) they all have an agenda,
2) are in bed with the politicians,
3) are more in league with politicians than watchdogs and
4) long ago abandoned independence
This is what they are talking about.
Now I am not going to begrudge you the dinners. It sounds fun, and a dream job for me really. You get to hang out with big important people and talk politics.
I get that you have to make money. I am not against making money. Maybe this development is an inevitability and blame should not be assigned. Just to be safe, I will not assign blame. So, simply as a matter of cause and effect:
This sort of thing is -exactly- why nobody is trusting traditional media any more.
That's a whole lot of words to explain influence peddling, Mr. Bradley. Not to worry, though--yawl lost any pretense of being true journalists when you hauled Obama over the line without any serious vetting of who he was or what he wanted to accomplish as president.
definition of oxymoron: journalistic ethics
I guess I haven't noticed The Atlantic shilling for corporate interests yet. If so, maybe we'll see a piece from James Fallows explaining how Company X's sweatshops will save the world.
Many most engaging articles I have read over the past 10 years have all come from The Atlantic; if the salons play a positive role in content development for the magazine, I hope they continue.
Ben, if the Atlantic dinners are like the WP's, then the risk isn't that the Atlantic sells out to corporate interests, it's that the Altantic sells out to government interests.
The WP was basically telling lobbyists that they could have dinner with Obama's health care policy people for $25,000 a person, with two seats for sale. Basically, by showing up to dinner and letting the WP pimp them to lobbyists, the Obama admin was going to be giving the WP $50 grand a night.
Any guesses whether Obama's people would show up at as many Fox salons as WP or Atlantic salons? Any guesses whether the appearance might dry up if the WP or Atlantic really starts going after one of Obama's pet programs? Maybe, maybe not, but lobbying and conflict of interest scandals are often about the appearance of impropriety.
J, I understand your argument, but it and most others in the comment stream are based on the appearance of impropriety, not the act. In my opinion, the act would take place if I begin to mistake forthcoming articles in The Atlantic for those in The Nation (or The Weekly Standard if the election had turned out differently). I sincerely doubt that will happen because each and every one of us would see it in the pages of the magazine. I haven't seen this yet. I suspect we will see some articles that may support some Obama initiatives, others that don't. I care most about reading articles that are engaging and thought provoking. That is what I have have come to expect. That is why i subscribe.
So 'all sides' actually means 'two sides': 'liberal' and 'conservative'. I think one of the worst aspects of American mainstream media is this dichotomous approach to the world, where every issue automatically splits into two sides. The real power over the debate then resides in the decision of which two sides, and where the split between the two is positioned. Thus, the 'intelligent' 'constructive conversation' can take place within a heavily circumscribed discursive sphere, where (as is often the case within the Beltway) the political positions of a majority of Americans are a priori excluded (not to mention that in international terms, the two sides are usually both positioned on the extreme authoritarian right of the political spectrum...).
Surely you could show your readers the courtesy of making public the promotional material for these 'salons'?
And, why not have a journalist have a look at these off-the-record events, examining how they influence (or not) public policy, etc.? (You know, good old-fashioned investigative reporting...)
Bravo!!! The proof of the pudding is in the eating. I am a frank conservative, and have read the Atlantic for more than 40 years. Occasionally I think you may be wandering a little too far to the left, but mostly you give at least a center right perspective. Whatever you have to do to support the terrific work you do, I am all in favor of it. The insults expressed here are undeserved, in my opinion. On, ON!
The economic foundation beneath journalism is falling away in large part due to the blatant distrust so many of us hold for journalists and their output. This piece and email only affirms our distrust. Further, while many industries are suffering increasing unemployment and decreasing financial stability, they actually perform a service and supply good products. Modern journalism does neither.
While the rest of us are tightening our belts, the Atlantic and its ilk are holding (expensive) salons with customers, advertisers, pundits, leaders, who supposedly espouse different and contrasting perpectives, ideologies, etc. Yet, oddly, we get the same old same old lefty pabulum. How can this be? Maybe you need to hold yet another salon to figure that out. I don't know where the money is coming from to pay for all these self-indulgent salons, but it won't be me.
I think there's a massive gulf between this sort of behavior in a publication that breaks new stories like the Post and a publication that primarily offers analysis and commentary, like the Atlantic.
In the case of the Post, it troubles me because the Post's primary journalistic role is the production of new information from an ostensibly unbiased perspective. The Atlantic is more about analysis and opinion, and as such one assumes that biases are going to be visible in the reporting.
What bothers me more is the "ostensibly unbiased perspective." To my mind, good reporting has to thread a needle. On one side, it has to avoid pretending to be unbiased when it is not. By pretending that the journalistic apparatus is unbiased "just the facts" reporting on behalf of a public with the right to know, journalism sets up numerous lies of omission and commission, which the occasional disclosure statements do not even scratch the surface of. I mean, there's no bias introduced by these salons that runs deeper than, say, the fact that reporters have actual political opinions and vote for people while supposedly covering them objectively.
On the other side, journalism needs to avoid bias that goes beyond a search for truth and towards pushing an agenda. It is a fundamentally different thing when a journalist advances a view because he believes it to be accurate, and when he does so because he views his job as advancing that view. CNN's reliance on partisan hacks for talking heads errs egregiously in this regard - pretending that Paul Begala or Alex Castelanos have anything genuine to say about a news story is just a crass lie.
These salons risk the latter impropriety, if journalists come to view their corporate sponsors as people they are beholden to in content. But on the other hand, if they are actually sites of genuine debate and exchange of views, and if the journalists keep to their job of providing truth, they have a clear and visible benefit.
In the end, it comes down to the journalists in question and how much one trusts them. And it is easier to trust a journalist writing for a magazine like The Atlantic, where opinions and biases are acknowledged and grappled with rather than hidden, and where the reporter is a present figure as opposed to someone trying desperately to hide and pretend that they're being objective.
After reading this a few times, I'm still not sure what Bradley is talking about. Who are these corporations? What are the topics of these salons? You needn't provide transcripts to these "casual" dinners to fill this picture in a good bit more. This letter (to "Friends and Colleagues"! ... which am I?) is more 20 parts assurance and 1 part disclosure.
It seems to me that the scandal isn't that the Atlantic is selling access to its reporters. As you point out, Doris Kearns Goodwin or Juan Williams can be had for any institution willing to drop thirty grand or so.
The scandal is a triangular quid pro quo.
1) The Obama administration grants access to its health care experts to favored media institutions, such as the Atlantic.
2) The Atlantic sells that access for $50 grand to lobbyists.
Doesn't that raise all the usual good government questions?
i) First, the Obama team isn't just handing out preferential access for scoops, which is the traditional way of rewarding compliant press, it's basically giving you $50,000 per dinner appearance. What did the Altantic do to stay on the Obama team's good side? (Is it safe to assume that no Obama personnel will accept an invitation to participate in a National Review cruise, for example?)
ii) Second, lobbyists are paying you for a chance to get preferential access to government poohbahs. I'll grant, they aren't paying the DNCC or something like that, but they are paying a news organization that the Obama administration would like to see support its initiatives. Is the Obama admin using lobbyists to buy good coverage from media leaders?
I guess on re-reading, I was assuming that the Atlantic's dinners are similar the WP advertised dinner - that lobbyists can buy access to government types for $25,000 per seat. If not, the analysis might change.
Not buying it, Ambinder.
You, your boss and the Atlantic are not journalism. The accurate word is "prostitution".
David Bradley said:
If anybody else had such meetings with public officials (and of course they do), they would be savaged by the press for not being "open." How many editorials were penned lambasting the secrecy of Dick Cheney's energy commission, or of Hillary Clinton's long-dead health care reform committee? There was no trust given there by the media, no assumption that the parties were merely trying to have real, solid, constructive conversation on difficult issues, the type of conversations that "can take place only with the promise that no headline is being written."
With that statement, and I agree that it is a true statement because of the fairly low character of many of our leaders in the public and private sector, David Bradley has just announced that every open Congressional hearing is a farce, that real, honest, constructive, and public debate is no longer possible in this country.
That statement is further a reflection of the arrogance of the professional media class who have appointed themselves as the arbiters in our society. Bradley asks us to trust him, his ability (and The Atlantic's) to be unbiased, to select real guests from all of the "responsible" sides of the issues, and to do so with no improper ulterior motives. For all I know, Bradley's a great guy and really good at identifying such people, and they're all great big, highminded Fred Friendly-type seminars. But I have no particular reason to trust David Bradley or The Atlantic. And there's no other institution in our society, other than (a bit) blogs, to keep watch on the journalists who have appointed themselves our moral arbiters.
Hey, no problem. You just continue to peddle your media outlet to the highest bidder.
We don't need an apologist to spin the ethics of the situation. And the fact that many do it doesn't make it acceptable in the slightest.
It isn't like we trusted you all to begin with, the way the media in general has so obviously carried water for the big money interests since the 1980s. Now we have a little insight into the mechanisms with which your favor is purchased. Until now, we wrote it off as exclusively advertising revenue, never imaging you had the chutzpah to prostitute yourselves so directly. Will wonders never cease?
In closing, for your next "salon," be sure to express our profound gratitude to the sponsor for demolishing what was left of journalism in America. By your actions, and those like you, the rush of a totally propagandized citizenry to fascist totalitarianism is assured.
I remember hearing something about the purpose of journalism being to comfort the afflicted and afflict the comfortable. It's much harder to afflict the comfortable this morning if you were having dinner with them last night.
Mind you, I'm not worried about quid pro quos or special deals. What worries me is this scenario:
A respected economist or political commentator has read the White House's new plan to fix, say, health care. And he's had nagging doubts about a particular element of that plan. He's hinted at them once or twice in his writing, but hasn't really hit the issue head on yet. He goes to a dinner where the administration official responsible is two seats over. They get to talking - about the ski lodge in Boulder that they both love. After a minute, the commentator asks to speak seriously. But the mood is convivial, the wine is flowing, and "this guy skis where I ski." The question gets asked, but not so aggressively as it might have been. The official smoothes over it, and while he's a bit vague about a few things, the commentator feels like the guy knows what he's getting at and he seems like he's pretty sharp, maybe he [the commentator] is the one who missed that bit of info that would have either heightened or alleviated skepticism and the official actually addressed it. The next morning, the commentator sits down and writes a piece... about something entirely unrelated because he can't write about the off the record dinner and how he met the guy who wrote the plan and he's not sure his questions were answered but he thinks it might be his fault...
If The Atlantic wishes to present itself as a vehicle for disseminating elite opinion - which is how I've always viewed it anyway - these dinners ought to help. If it wishes to think itself an independent voice, there to present sophisticated analysis so that people can make up their own minds intelligently, though, there may be a problem.
"Reporters often give speeches to private corporations and get paid for doing so"
As a non-journalist, this and any other paid opportunity that's not by a journalistic employer has always struck me as a severe conflict of interest. Isn't it objectionable if governmental officials did such a thing? Why should reporters be different? Obviously from the point of view of most reporters it's desirable to increase income, but why shouldn't readers think this severely decreases the reporter's credibility? Contrawise, if it's okay for reporters to take money from other sources, why shouldn't it be fine for government officials to do so? What's the distinction in assumed bias, or at least appearance of potential bias, by being paid being made here?
David Bradley: "Perhaps the guests merely are being polite, but the uniform comment - on leaving or in thank you notes - is that they find no other place for such purposeful, engaged, constructive conversation across walls."
Why, exactly, can't people have conversations without taking pay-offs? How is this different from elected representatives granting additional (legal) access to those who make significant contributions to campaign funds, or for taking illegal bribes? Obviously in the latter case, one is illegal, but how, exactly, do the ethics differ?
"I care more about editorial integrity than I do about any particular undertaking."
Then perhaps you shouldn't take what have the appearance of bribes. I understand the self-interest at work here perfectly well, but it also seems obvious (from the point of view of at least one outsider) that if you cared more about editorial integrity than taking money from outside sources, that you wouldn't take the money and ask readers to just trust that it doesn't affect you. Again, maybe it doesn't affect you, but as a rule do we generally expect, in society, that taking money from people has no effect? If not, why would journalists and journalistic enterprises be an exception?
"I love the work of our public-policy dinners. The issues at table interest me greatly."
I believe you. But if they're so mutually beneficial in and of themselves, why does money need to change hands?
I wonder how many other publications are now going to have to 'fess up in the wake of the WaPo's oh so embarrassing little blunder.
I can see how your little soirees benefit you, Mr. Bradley, but how do they benefit me, the consumer of news and opinion? How much of your content is shaped by information to which I have no access? How can I judge its trustworthiness if I have no knowledge of its source? You say your dinner guests are chosen from a broad spectrum of political, ideological and social thought, but since the identity of the participants is off the record, I have no way of ascertaining if that's actually true. Who knows what you consider "conservative," "liberal," "mainstream" (for example, for years journalists regarded the National Organization for Women as the definitive go-to source for all matters female despite the fact that it represents a rather parochial point of view).
The whole thing smacks of an arrogant elitism. You will be the keeper of the public trust. You will decide which pieces of information will be disseminated to the common folk and which will be held back (but only for our own good surely). You will be the arbiter of what is to be known and what is to be left unknown. But, not to worry, you can be trusted. You, after all, are "well suited to convening intelligent, committed people across wide divides." And that's all we apparently need to know.
I wasn't sure it was possible, but it seems my contempt for your "profession" has been ratcheted up a few notches. Congratulations.
why does it have to be off the record? that's what raises questions for me. if the intended spirit is debate and discourse, why does it have to be behind closed doors?
can you not host public, on-the-record conversations and avoid all this? otherwise it just seems to me that you're taking money from people and corporations for the *privilege* of having dinner and conversation with you...
not only is it ethically questionable, but its also just a bit snobbish as well.
The Atlantic just seems to have acknowledged that its soirees are enablers of yet more big government. It's a given that the lobbyists use these dinners to jostle for a better position at the government trough. The big government politicians show up to accelerate the feeding frenzy. The Atlantic ought to be ashamed of itself.
I guess I haven't noticed The Atlantic shilling for corporate interests yet. If so, maybe we'll see a piece from James Fallows explaining how Company X's sweatshops will save the world.
You must not read Mark Bowden's puff pieces on the latest, greatest weapon systems. Like the F-22.
Till last week I was a subscriber to the WP weekly. Now I'm even considering cancelling my subscription to the Atlantic.
I'd like to know - we're your "guests" charged 25 bucks for the privilege of dining with you big shots?
Or $25,000?
I'd like to think you could not be bought for $25. But $25 thou might be worthy of - a warm thank you?
Bart