The Supreme Court has decided to take a bundle of cases that could change the way the Justice Department prosecutes terrorism suspects and could well change the way current prosecutions of Guantanamo Bay detainees are disposed of. At first glance, in Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project, the stakes don't seem that important: they involve the definition of a few words. But the way the government has defined those words -- "train" -- "expert," "advice," "assistance," "personnel" -- are bound up with the way prosecutors determine whether someone has given material support to a terrorist and is therefore liable for terrorism conspiracy charges.
The law goes back to 1996, and makes it a crime to provide "material
support" to terrorists. It has been challenged several times on the
grounds that it forbids conduct that is protected by the first
amendment, such as advocating in public for a cause or passing out
pamphlets for recruitment. The Patriot Act expanded the definition of
what constitutes material support to include "expert advice or
assistance," which allowed the Justice Department to prosecute people
like John Walker Lindh, under the statute. Since 9/11, the law, 18
U.S.C. 2339B(a)(1), has been used as a fallback weapon against suspect
terrorists who didn't commit acts of terrorism and who could not be
directly linked to ongoing terrorist conspiracies.
Needless to say, the vagueness of the statue has bothered criminal defense lawyers and civil libertarians for years, and Congress and the courts have tinkered with the language.
In
2003, an appeals court found that the law wouldn't be constitutional
unless the alleged material-support-provider knew that the group to
which support was provided was engaged in illegal terrorist stuff or
that the group itself had been designated as a terrorist group. In
other words, in order to provide material support to a terrorist group,
a reasonable person ought to have a basic level of knowledge about the
group's past and future motivations. In 2007, as part of the
Intelligence Reform and Terrorist Prevention Act, Congress added this
so-called "mens rea" requirement to the law.
Whoever knowingly provides material support or
resources to a foreign terrorist organization, or
attempts or conspires to do so, shall be fined under
this title or imprisoned not more than 15 years, or
both, and, if the death of any person results, shall be
imprisoned for any term of years or for life.
18 U.S.C. ยง 2339B(a)(1) (emphasis added).
The term "material support or resources" includes:
any property, tangible or intangible, or service,
including currency or monetary instruments or financial
securities, financial services, lodging, training,
expert advice or assistance, safehouses, false documentation
or identification, communications equipment,
facilities, weapons, lethal substances,
explosives, personnel (1 or more individuals who
may be or include oneself), and transportation,
except medicine or religious materials.
These changes did not meet with the approval of the plaintiffs. The appeals court disagreed, but the Supreme Court will have to clarify whether there remains a distinction between knowing that a group has ties to terrorism and providing support to that group in order to further the terroristic ends to which the group has committed itself. The doctrine here is that "evil minds" must accompany "evil hands." More urgently, the appeals court did agree that several terms defined by the government remain too vague. (To wit: "Because we find it highly unlikely that a person of ordinary intelligence would know whether, when teaching someone to petition international bodies for tsunami related aid, one is imparting a "specific skill" or "general knowledge," we find the statute's proscription on providing "training" void for vagueness.") On the issue of whether the word "personnel" remain too vague, the appeals court found that Congress had sufficiently defined it. But plaintiffs disagree.
As Robert Chesney of the University of Texas has written, the "material support statue is an important tool in the DOJ counterterrorism arsenal. ... And some of these terms -- particularly the "personnel" term -- are especially important in determining which defendant can be linked to a terrorist organization but not to a particular plot."







Is it really the Supreme Court's duty to be "concerned with national security"?
Certainly it's their duty to interpret the constitutionality of laws and cases brought before them? I also happen to agree strongly that their duty is to interpret constitutionality of laws....
Just curious about how many people (like our President) think its their duty to be concerned with National Security. One of the reasons congress enacted a new law in 2006 to try and get around the constitutionality of Guantanamo Bay.
You can cry "liberal" all you want but what you are really crying about is the "constitution" as it has always been written.
The main problem we have is that there is a "movement" to alter the constitution going back to Reagan.
Marce Ambit
Thats the only thing thats been 'altered' look it up and stop relying on assumptions and opinion. I am no scholar but even I can see identified even one participant in the ratification fight who argued that the Constitution did not authorize judicial review of Federal statutes. This silence in the face of the numerous comments on the other side is revealing.